Senate Republicans finally pushed through their blueprint for the first phase of President Donald Trump’s legislative agenda early Friday morning, after an all-night session that exposed some fissures in their ranks on issues such as cuts to health care and safety net programs. But controlling 53 seats has its benefits, and GOP amendment losses never piled up high enough to put the measure in serious jeopardy given a budget resolution’s privileged nature, needing only a simple majority for adoption. The 52-48 vote to adopt the fiscal 2025 budget resolution is the first step towards writing a filibuster-proof reconciliation package, which GOP senators want to use for appropriating more than $340 billion in military and immigration enforcement spending.

Senate Budget Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., aims for the bill to be fully funded through cuts proposed by other committees. However, there is no requirement for more than $5 billion in offsets. Graham emphasizes the need for immediate border security funding.

However, the framework would delay Congress’ efforts to prolong Trump’s 2017 tax cuts, which are set to expire after December 31. Given the House’s slim Republican majority, House Republicans and Trump have both dismissed that approach as too risky. The House is preparing to vote next week on its version of a budget resolution, which would allow tax cuts to increase the deficit by $4.5 trillion over a decade, as well as $300 billion for border and defense expenditures. It would also create a filibuster-proof, $4 trillion debt limit rise, linked with spending cuts somewhere in the ballpark of $2 trillion — with a mechanism that may boost or lower the tax cut allowed if the cutbacks exceed or below that target

Just before the final vote, Senate Budget ranking member Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., summed up his side’s view of the entire GOP budget exercise: “Families lose, and billionaires win.”

No room for error. While Trump approved the “one big, beautiful bill” approach in the House’s framework this week, there’s no assurance that House GOP leaders will accept it, given that they have just one vote to spare on their side (assuming no Democratic support and all members present and voting). The changes proposed in the House measure would target Medicaid, food stamps, and other sensitive programs, which have already sparked opposition from more moderate Republican lawmakers. However, lowering the level of cuts too much risks alienating votes from the party’s right flank, particularly the hard-line Freedom Caucus, which negotiated for larger cuts to pass the plan through the House Budget Committee last week.

Even if Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., and his whip team can push their budget through the House, the Senate’s “vote-a-rama” late Thursday into Friday morning revealed similar breaches in party unity, though they were easier to cover up given Republicans’ additional vote cushion in the Senate.

For starters, Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., who eventually became the lone Republican “no” vote on the resolution, proposed an amendment to boost the amount of mandatory budget cuts in the eventual reconciliation package to more than $1.4 trillion. He received 24 votes, representing fewer than half of the Republican Conference.

Health care and tax jitters During the marathon vote session, Senate Democrats proposed several, targeted amendments, and one or two Republicans defected. Although this was insufficient to effectively attach the amendments, the votes established markers that may be used in 30-second political advertising and later affect the course of the reconciliation process. Republican Senators Susan Collins of Maine and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, both running for reelection next year, were among those who occasionally voted with the Democrats. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., is a populist who has tried to portray himself as an ally of working-class Americans. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, also supported several Democratic amendments.

Health care and tax uncertainty During the marathon vote session, Senate Democrats submitted several targeted amendments, while one or two Republicans deserted. Although this was insufficient to effectively attach the amendments, the votes set markers that may be utilized in 30-second political advertisements and influence the path of the reconciliation process. Republican Senators Susan Collins of Maine and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, both up for re-election next year, were among those who occasionally voted with the Democrats. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., is a populist who has portrayed himself as a supporter of working-class Americans. Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) also backed many Democratic amendments.

Tammy Baldwin, D-Wisconsin, proposed an amendment opposing reduction to Medicaid nursing home benefits. It’s worth noting that Senate Finance Chairman Michael D. Crapo, R-Idaho, has specifically stated that his offset recommendation for the border package is the repeal of a Biden-era nursing facility regulation. Jack Reed, D-R.I., introduced an amendment opposing any Medicare or Medicaid cuts that would hurt middle-class enrollees. Hawley also voted for it. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., is working to get senators on record opposing cuts to school breakfast and lunch programs. Sullivan supported Collins’ amendment. Republicans attempted to downplay the amendments as political theater.

“Professional wrestling,” Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., joked early Friday morning during floor discussion. “All foam, no beer.” However, health-care programs, in particular, sowed discord on the Republican side. Schumer’s amendment on billionaires’ tax breaks and Medicaid drew a side-by-side amendment from Sullivan in an attempt to provide Republicans with political cover by expressing support for the “most vulnerable” Medicaid beneficiaries and extending the life of the Medicare trust fund. Senate Finance Committee ranking member Ron Wyden, D-Ore., claimed the Sullivan language was “code” for pushing slightly more well-heeled Americans off the Medicaid rolls. But the amendment was approved, whilst Schumer’s was not.

Senate Finance Committee ranking member Ron Wyden, D-Ore., claimed the Sullivan language was “code” for pushing slightly more well-heeled Americans off the Medicaid rolls. But the amendment was approved, whilst Schumer’s was not.

UNITED STATES – FEBRUARY 20: Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., is seen in the Russell building subway before a vote on Thursday, February 20, 2025. (Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call)